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Phantom Menace: The Psychology Behind America's Immigration Hysteria PDF Print E-mail
Contributed by Tony Cheek   
Sunday, 02 March 2008
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Phantom Menace: The Psychology Behind America's Immigration Hysteria
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If you look at the areas where anti-immigration sentiment is rife even though there are few immigrants, they are filled with native-born Americans who find themselves threatened by the new global capitalism. The northwest Ohio district that Bob Latta won was once dotted with factories working overtime, but, over the last decade, the companies have either cut back or closed down. Many of the residents are beleaguered blue collar workers looking for an explanation for their plight. Latta gave them one in illegal immigrants. Similarly, Boyda's Kansas district is filled with towns that have seen better days. I accompanied her to Burlington, a sad little prairie town of 2,700--only 28 of whom are not American citizens. There, attendees at a town meeting complained vociferously about "illegal aliens" and, in true populist fashion, charged that big business "controls everything." Afterward, one of them told me jokingly that I should come live in Burlington. "It'd be like getting out of an Indy car and into a Model T that is going backwards," he said.

These people in rural Kansas or northwest Ohio, who feel left behind by capitalism, are susceptible to the darker side of populist appeal--to blaming those less well off than themselves for their plight. But why have they singled out immigrants, specifically Latinos moving north? In the past, anti-immigration movements have erupted in part because of an actual increase in immigration and an economic downturn, whether an overall recession or depression or a selective downturn, as happened in the first half of this decade. But, in these periods, there has been an additional factor that has fueled Americans' cultural concerns about immigration and led the movements to take a nativist turn: Each period of anti-immigration sentiment has coincided with a loss of confidence in the cohesion and resilience of the American nation.

In the 1850s, Americans, increasingly fearful for the breakup of the union over slavery, became alarmed that Catholic immigrants from Ireland and Germany would undermine republican institutions. The Know-Nothings were determined "to resist the insidious policy of the Church of Rome and all other foreign influence against our republican institutions in all lawful ways." The anti-immigration movements of the early 1920s took root amid disillusionment over the results of World War I and fear that the United States would be dragged into another European conflagration. And, in the early 1990s, anti-immigration fervor was fed by fears that the United States was becoming a second-rate economic power.

After the September 11 attacks, the fear of foreign terrorism overshadowed, but also fed, the fear of immigration. And anti-immigration forces have continued to charge that the Mexican border is a gateway to terrorists. The Arizona Minutemen have insisted (with little basis in fact) that many illegal immigrants are swarthy Muslims disguised as Mexicans. "We have many apprehensions of Pakistanis and Iraqis on the border," a Minuteman spokesperson told me in August 2005. "They are coming in disguised as Hispanics and blending in." Boyda's constituents were worried that 5,000 illegal aliens who they believed had crossed the border into Kansas could act as a terrorist "fifth column" in the state. (In an equally nutty variation, presidential aspirant Mike Huckabee warned, after Benazir Bhutto's assassination in December, that Pakistani terrorists could cross the border. "In light of what's happening in Pakistan," Huckabee said, "it ought to give us pause as to why are so many illegals coming across these borders.")

In recent years, this concern about Latino immigration has been fed by a broader anxiety about America's place in the world. That has been prompted by the failure of the Bush administration to complete its missions in Iraq and Afghanistan; by the rapid rise of gas prices (making it appear that the United States is at the mercy of foreign oil producers); and by growing doubts about the buoyancy of the U.S. economy. This perception of decline shows up, among other places, in the polls that ask people whether "things in this country are heading in the right direction, or ... off on the wrong track." According to an Associated Press-Ipsos poll, the percentage of people thinking the United States is on the "wrong track" has risen steadily over the last four years from 46 percent to 68 percent. In surveys by Gallup and World Public Opinion, the percentage of those who were "dissatisfied with the position of the United States in the world today" rose from 30 percent in April 2003 to 51 percent in February 2005 to 68 percent in October 2006.


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