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Phantom Menace: The Psychology Behind America's Immigration Hysteria PDF Print E-mail
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Sunday, 02 March 2008
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Phantom Menace: The Psychology Behind America's Immigration Hysteria
By John Judis
The New Republic, February 13, 2008
The PDF file may be found at the Galleons document page.
Like much of the nation, New Hampshire is in a frenzy over illegal immigration. In 2005, a police chief from New Ipswich, a sleepy small town near the Massachusetts border, arrested an illegal immigrant, who had pulled over on the side of the road, on the grounds that he was trespassing in New Hampshire. "We're applying a state law to illegal aliens, instead of federal law, because the federal government refuses to enforce its own laws. Someone needed to bring it, so I brought it," the chief told the Concord Monitor. The courts threw out the case, but the police chief became a statewide celebrity.


Last summer, in Merrimack, just north of Nashua, the city council got into an acrimonious--and widely watched--debate over whether to print signs in Spanish in local Wasserman Park. Sitting at his kitchen table in a white turtleneck, town councilor Michael Malzone, the leader of the victorious opposition, explains, "There was Spanish people breaking the law, and [the council] wanted to put out new signs, and they wanted to put them out in Spanish." Malzone, who is a second-generation Italian-American, saw the signs as a threat to the America he knew and loved. "We must have one flag, we must have one language," Malzone says. "When you start to press one for English and two for Spanish, you know things were getting very, very bad."

During the New Hampshire primary, both Democratic and Republican candidates were peppered with questions about illegal immigration. Senator John McCain, who won the state's January 8 primary, had to modify his support for comprehensive immigration reform legislation in the face of voter complaints. But that didn't appease some residents. At a town hall meeting in Pelham in December, Bill, a thirtysomething white-collar worker at United Health Care (who asked that I not use his last name), said that he liked McCain but that "he lost me on immigration." After McCain spoke, the first three questions he got were about immigration. Roy Bouchard, a retired worker at Raytheon, asked, "Senator McCain, there are a lot of veterans in this hall, and we all believe that you are a straight-talker and we want to vote for you. However, there is one issue that bothers me and bothers a lot of people in this hall, and that is illegal immigration." Bill and others in the audience applauded.
 
There are many places in the country--and along the campaign trail--where immigration is a top issue for a clear reason: It is affecting the livelihoods of longtime residents and has visibly transformed their locales. In Iowa, for example, when campaign buses pulled into small towns like Storm Lake, Denison, and Marshalltown, presidential hopefuls were confronted by voters furious that big meatpacking firms had brought in Hispanic immigrants, some of them illegal, to turn their towns' reasonably paying blue-collar industry into a low-wage occupation that couldn't support the average Iowan. In South Carolina, too, candidates have had to face voters angry and bewildered by the swift rise in Latino immigration to their state--the third-highest rate in the nation between 2000 and 2005. "Certain sections of this tri-county area look like little Mexico City," says John J. Cina, a retiree who, angered over illegal immigration, plans to challenge Senator Lindsey Graham this year in the Republican primary.

But in New Hampshire there is no meatpacking industry, or its equivalent. In fact, there are almost no immigrants, illegal or otherwise. According to the Census, only 2.2 percent of New Hampshire residents are Hispanic. The Pew Hispanic Center rates New Hampshire forty-second of 50 states in the number of unauthorized immigrants. Yet the state's voters, like those in Iowa or South Carolina, are up in arms over illegal immigration. According to exit polls taken on primary night, almost one-quarter of those Republicans and independents who voted in the GOP primary consider immigration the most important issue facing the country, and 50 percent think that illegal immigrants should be deported rather than given a path to citizenship or temporary visas.

In fact, if you look around the country, there are many places where there are relatively few illegal immigrants, but where Americans are nevertheless apoplectic about illegal immigration. In Kansas's predominately white and rural second congressional district, for example, Representative Nancy Boyda has been besieged with questions and complaints about illegal immigrants. And, in a special congressional election last month in northwest Ohio--where a small number of Hispanic migrants, whose presence had never before bothered anyone, pick tomatoes in the summer--Republican Bob Latta ran incendiary ads charging Democrat Robin Weirauch with being soft on illegal immigrants. Latta was able to put Weirauch on the defensive and run away with what was supposed to be a close race.

Clearly, the furor over illegal immigration has spread beyond places where jobs have been lost, wages reduced, and public services strained, to places where migrants have not disrupted the local economy. And, even in places like Iowa and South Carolina, the anger was never solely a function of disappearing jobs or overburdened social services; it has been about the use of Spanish on signs and ballots and even grocery lines, and about the spread of little Mexico Cities. Indeed, around the country, the furor is not simply about illegal immigration; it's more often about Latino immigration, legal and illegal--about what Pat Buchanan calls the creation of "Mexamerica." Which leaves us with something of a puzzle: How did so many Americans come to feel so vulnerable to what for many of them is merely a phantom menace? How did an economic problem that is concentrated in certain states and regions become a national Kulturkampf?



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